This book argues that China’s international socialization of the political elites of Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) partner states is an exceptionally effective instrument of China’s current foreign policy. It shows how the BRI-related process of socialization generates shared beliefs in the legitimacy and therefore in the acceptability of a Chinese international order among target elites and how in turn the policies and actions of states controlled by these elites tend to become aligned with the norms ‘taught’ by the Chinese socializer. It goes on to show how this serves the interests of China’s government, firms, and citizens at national, regional, and global levels; and how the resulting increased support for Beijing’s version of the international order creates a virtuous circle that further enhances China’s international position and potential.
Table of Contents
Acknowledgements Chapter 1 Introduction Chapter 2 The International Socialization of Elites: A Theoretical Framework 2.1 Political Elites and the State-Society Complex 2.2 International Socialization 2.3 International Socialization, International Orders, and Rising Great Powers 2.4 The International Socialization of Political Elites 2.5 Mechanisms and Conditions of International Socialization 2.6 Theoretical and Methodological Sensitive Issues Elites and Society Measuring the Degree of Socialization High-Level Bureaucrats Chapter 3 China and the Belt and Road Initiative 3.1 The Rise of New China 3.2 International Order and Chinese Foreign Policy 3.3 China as a Socializing Normative Power 3.4 China’s Contact Zones with Less Powerful Actors Development Assistance Tied Aid 3.5 The Belt and Road Initiative Regions, Corridors, and Regionalism Implementation Mechanisms 3.6 The BRI as Globalization with Chinese Characteristics Institutionalization: Ambiguity vs. Flexibility Globalization from Below 3.7 BRI Challenges and Set-Backs Chinese Responses The Coming Anti-BRI Crusade 3.8 The Socialization of BRI Elites Chapter 4 The Voluntaristic Leader: China and the Elites of Tanzania 4.1 Africa as ‘China’s Second Continent’ 4.2 Communist China and Socialist Tanzania 4.3 Post-2005 Tanzania as China’s Comprehensive Cooperative Partner 4.4 Impact and Perception of China’s Presence in Tanzania China’s Image among the Tanzanian Public 4.5 China’s Geostrategic Interest in Tanzania The Bagamoyo Port 4.6 China’s Socialization of the Tanzanian Political Elites Socialization of Political Elites 4.7 Setbacks and Ambiguity The Magufuli Presidency 4.8 The Authoritarian Connection 4.9 The Value of Tanzania as a Case Study Chapter 5 Prestige Projects: China and the Elites of Trinidad and Tobago
By Theodor Tudoroiu and Amanda R. Ramlogan 5.1 China in the Caribbean 5.2 China in Trinidad and Tobago Trade, Development, Tourism, and Development Assistance The Evolution of the Bilateral Relationship Chinese Soft Power China’s Perception in Trinidad and Tobago 5.3 Trinidad and China’s Three Conditionalities China’s Political Conditionality: no Taiwan, no Tibet, no Tiananmen Square China’s Economic Conditionality: Tied Aid and Secretive Agreements Social Conditionality 5.4 The Socialization of Trinidad’s Elites Chapter 6 Debt Trapped: China and the Elites of Sri Lanka 6.1 The Historical Evolution of the Sino-Sri Lankan Relations Of Nâgas and Admirals From Independence to 2005 6.2 The 2005-2015 Sino-Sri Lankan Partnership China’s Interest in Sri Lanka The Sino-Sri Lankan Comprehensive Cooperative Partnership Trade Infrastructure Projects Vanity Projects and White Elephants China’s Soft Power Crusade Military Cooperation Mirroring China’s Political Norms 6.3 The Rise and Fall of Authoritarianism in Sri Lanka President Rajapaksa’s Authoritarian Construct The Regime’s End, with a Chinese Twist 6.4 Partnership without Socialization 6.5 How to Set Up a Chinese Debt Trap The Hambantota Port Debt-Equity Swap Agreement and Its Consequences 6.6 China’s Geostrategic Interest in Sri Lanka 6.7 The Problems of China’s Socialization of Local Elites Chapter 7 Leftists and Profiteers: China and the Elites of Argentina 7.1 The Development of the Sino-Argentinean Relationship Argentina and the BRI China and Latin America China and Argentina under Peronist Administrations China and Argentina under President Macri 7.2 Argentinean Society’s Perception of the Chinese Presence 7.3 Reprimarization and Dependency 7.4 Incomplete Socialization BRI Chapter 8 The Unexpected Importance of Values: China and the Elites of New Zealand 8.1 The New Zealand-US-China Relationship The Evolution of the New Zealand-United States Relationship The Evolution of the New Zealand-China Relationship A Small State Playing the China Card First Signs of Trouble The China Reset An Ambiguous Relationship 8.2 United Front Work and International Socialization The Chinese Socialization of Political Elites The Unexpected Importance of Values Chapter 9 A Savior with an Interest in Ports: China and the Elites of Greece 9.1 China and the European Union 9.2 The Sino-Greek Relations before 2015 9.3 The Chinese Socialization of the Radical Left The Anti-Chinese Radical Leftists Socialization Persistent Anti-Capitalism 9.4 The Greek Right’s Tightrope 9.5 Uncertain Future Chapter 10 Analysis and Conclusion 10.1 The Features of Chinese Socialization 10.2 Socialization Processes, Instruments, and Actors Processes and Micro-Processes Instruments Chinese Agents and Their Effectiveness 10.3 China’s Norms, Power, and International Order The Reception of Chinese Norms Conditionality and Assistentialist Mentality Normative Power China and Its International Order Reciprocal Socialization 10.4 Problems of Chinese Socialization Negative Consequences at Society Level Effects on the Socialization of Elites American Balancing 10.5 The World Has Changed
Theodor Tudoroiu is a senior lecturer and head of the International Relations Unit of the Department of Political Science of the University of the West Indies, St. Augustine campus, Trinidad and Tobago
Amanda R. Ramlogan, who co-authored Chapter 5, is a Ph.D. student at the Institute of International Relations and a part-time lecturer at the Department of Political Science of the University of the West Indies, St. Augustine campus, Trinidad and Tobago